During her visit to New York, the President of the European Parliament Roberta Metsola was invited to deliver a Keynote Speech at the Concordia Annual Summit. In her address, she said that now is the time to renew and reinforce the transatlantic relationship to address global challenges.
Hello everyone and thank you for the warm welcome. It is great to be back here at the Concordia Summit. If a week is a long time in politics, a year is an eternity.
We are less than 45 days away from the Presidential election here. Last June, the European Parliament had its own elections across 27 EU Member States. Since then, the 10th Legislature has started, and the Parliament is in the process of constituting a new college of European Commissioners - the executive arm of the European Union. This is a time of change in Europe, and we are all getting ready to see it through. It will be defining for trade, for competition, for economic governance and for security.
People look to us for leadership, stability and direction as we seek to exit the era of omni-crises.
But as we look around the globe, it’s clear that many of the challenges we face remain unchanged. Russia’s aggression in Ukraine continues. China has risen with a value set that is different to ours. India is forging a new path forward as an economic powerhouse. Afghanistan is struggling. The situation in Sudan remains alarming. Iran continues to fuel tensions across the region. The conflict in the Middle East risks escalating further. Reminding us of the fragility of peace and the necessity of liberty.
What is true is that the world around us feels more dangerous than before. People are more worried, more sceptical than before. And it is against this background that I am here to speak to you today.
The European Union and the United States are two of the most powerful economic and democratic forces on the planet. Our partnership has stood the test of time - not just because of the strength of our economies, but because we share a belief, a promise, that whatever the challenges, it is freedom, prosperity, democracy, human dignity and security that must be at the basis of how we respond. Our alliance is more than transactional. It is, at its heart, a bond rooted in shared values.
For over two and a half years, Ukraine has demanded our attention. And for good reason. Because we understand that Ukraine’s fight is not just for its survival, but for the same values and ideals that bind us together as a global democratic community. How we respond is the litmus test of our political generation.
For me, and the European Parliament, the response is clear. We will - we must - stand with Ukraine and we will do so for as long as it takes. This is not a case of altruism, nor is it grandstanding. We stand with Ukraine because we stand for a global democratic world order. Because we understand that if Putin’s 10-day plan to take control of Kyiv had succeeded, he would not have stopped there. His aggression would have continued to erode the values and systems we worked so hard for so long to build. We know the cost of inaction would be far higher. We should not accept this, and we have to be able to say it. And not just say it, but back it up - decisively.
It is true that perhaps we did allow ourselves to be lulled into a false sense of security and thought that there were lines on the map that armies would no longer cross; now there are lines in the sand that we cannot cross. And while we will always push forward peace, it must be a just one, with dignity and freedom.
We cannot look away from Ukraine, and we must, simultaneously, do what we can to de-escalate tensions in the Middle East. And find a sustainable peace in the region. A way forward that breaks the violent cycle of history. We can only do that, or indeed address any of these challenges, if we remain aligned. Together. It must be the same philosophy behind our approach to other issues, perhaps less immediate, but that will shape the future in much the same way and cannot be ignored.
Central to this is how we interact with China.
In Europe, we have a strategy of de-risking rather than de-coupling from China. We will cooperate where possible; compete where needed; and challenge where necessary; for us it is a question of ensuring that our partnerships align themselves with our principles and ideals.
China is a key player globally. An economic giant that is critical for the global economy, for raw materials, for trade, for labour, for expertise, for import and export. The challenge is to ensure level playing fields and that we all play by the rules. The current imbalance must be addressed and the best way to do that remains: together.
There are very real, very pragmatic reasons to reinforce the EU-US relationship.
Isolationism, over-protectionism, over-regulation cannot work in this world that we live in. We must work to build each other up rather than compete in races to the bottom.
Now is the time, perhaps more than ever before, to renew our transatlantic relationship. To reinforce our alliance of global democracies on the world stage. ‘Distinct but together’ is the only way forward.
We are perhaps facing what Ian Bremmer called a geo-political recession. A shift in the ‘old’ world order. A change in geo-political power.
We have a tendency to focus on the ‘rise’ of newer powers to explain the shifts and conversations leading to China.
What we do not do enough of, in my view, is take stock of what’s declining in the ‘old world order’ or to be more specific about what has changed and how we can fix it.
With a rise in extremists and populists and an ever-increasing fragmentation in politics and in communities, our democratic institutions are increasingly threatened and coming under huge pressure.
Once strong governments, institutions and parliaments are de-legitimised by people turning their backs on them, weak institutions are ill-equipped to provide our economies with the robust legal framework they need to adapt to new geopolitical realities.
We need to re-learn how to compromise without compromising on our values. That is the basis of what the European Parliament does.
Too often, we are told that politics is a zero-sum game. That it is a choice between growth for our industries or de-growth for our environment. Regulation for safety or de-regulation for innovation. But that is not true. We can harness all the benefits of digitalisation and Artificial Intelligence while ensuring our people are safe online and protecting freedom of speech. We can manage our borders without losing our compassion. We can adopt policies that are ambitious enough to address climate change and lower energy prices while still ensuring that crucial de-carbonisation policies works for our industries, our families and our farmers. We can re-industrialise and grow our economies, without leaving anyone behind. We’ve done it before. We can do it again. Better. Faster.
It is why we need politics rooted in values where pragmatism and principle go hand-in-hand. It is a belief that is as much at the core of the story of Europe as it is central to the American Dream. And the more fractured our societies may seem, the greater the schism between the haves and the have-nots, the greater the need presents for us to reaffirm that our way works. That we can offer solutions and hope even to those who feel squezed.
In the coming term, the European Union’s top priority will be that of reinvigorating our industries by fostering economic growth, competitiveness, entrepreneurship and creating quality jobs that show people that democracy means tangible solutions. This means practically speaking, we will need to boost productivity, innovation and speed-up investments in clean tech, pharma, transport, microchips - sectors that will define our future. It means we must be ready for public funding to match private ambition. It also means reducing red tape for companies that operate in Europe, as well eliminating silos that have for so long held us back by completing our Banking and Capital Markets Union, offering clear frameworks and ultimately, predictability.
My point is there is both necessity and interest for us to work together. And the European Union understands this. It is why we appeal for more free trade and less barriers. Why we look at trade as a source of mutual improvement. Why it is central to supporting the social structure that characterises so much of European public investment.
And we must do this while we also find balance while reclaiming a strong political centre. “Not the mushy middle between left and right” as Tony Blair recently put it. But the space where forces converge. The only place where solutions can be found.
In Europe, it was precisely this centre that managed that on an issue as politically difficult as migration, as defence, as funding for Ukraine, as economic governance. It was not easy. We have 27 different Member States, with 27 different starting points. In the European Parliament, we have 720 Members who belong to groups across the political spectrum. It often feels impossible. I can tell you it often feels impossible. But we find ways. We build majorities. Not by entrenchment, not by preaching in abstract terms, but by seeking common ground. Through compromise. Hard, tough - definitely not mushy - compromise. That is what I mean by reclaiming the political centre.
Critics may call this the politics of the past. I call it, the politics of the future. Because I believe that the only way to defeat populism, to push back against extremism from taking hold so quickly, it is not by claiming moral superiority or ignoring it. It is with solutions.
Real, practical solutions to the challenges that people face. If we are unable, that is when we will see more of a retreat towards the political fringes, and here, as revolutionising as social media has been, it often pours fuel on the flames.
The challenges of propaganda and disinformation are age-old. But technological advances have given them a reach that is unprecedented. Our tools, built for good, have also become an outlet for absolutism, for those - even malign state actors - who sow mistrust, false expectations, cause confusion, incite violence. They try to amplify and distort the legitimate fears and concerns of people, and therefore, push people away. Our job collectively is to bring them back to the centre. Because that is how we make change. How we move societies and communities forward. How we are able to beat the extremes. How we move ultimately from crises management to long-term growth.
Rabbi Jonathan Sacks put it so eloquently when he wrote: “We’re living in tough times globally and we’ll need all the inner strength we have to survive the turbulence, learn from the mistakes of the past, and begin again. The real test of a society is not the absence of crises, but whether we come out of them cynical and disillusioned or strengthened by our re-dedication to high ideals”.
That’s what I want to see from a rededicated, stronger, transatlantic relationship, why I believe politics is the solution. And we must keep pushing for change.
Thank you.