Time to reset the partnership between the European Union and the United Kingdom  

In every meeting that I’ve had over the past two days, I have carried with me one simple message: it is time to reset the partnership between the European Union and the United Kingdom in a manner that respects the choice of the British people, but that is able to respond to today’s realities in a pragmatic, common sense, win-win approach. We can put the ghosts of the past to bed and write a new chapter. And what better place to talk about British common sense than at the iconic Chatham House - a place so renowned that it has created its own global debate rules, even though if I understand correctly they don’t apply at the moment.
 
My visit coincides with the sad anniversary of the day Russia started an illegal war against Ukraine. A war that devastated so many lives and livelihoods - that upended everything so many of us took for granted for so long. I remember the chorus of doubt in those early days. Those who said that Europe was too slow, too divided to mount any serious response. Who said Ukraine would capitulate. Well, we are now in year five of Putin’s three-day war - a war that was meant to weaken our alliance. Instead, NATO has added two new members, our defence industry has been revitalised and our bureaucracy has been made faster to match the urgency of our time.
  
So, history really has a way of humbling predictions. Four years later, the European Union and its Member States have mobilised some 200 billion euros in support for Ukraine. Just yesterday, I signed into law a 90-billion-euro loan to keep that support strong. We have legislated to create the legal framework - the plumbing if you like, and I hope Member States are able to now find a way to release the funds quickly and get the water flowing, to overuse a bad metaphor, and I hope we also find a win-win way to fully involve the United Kingdom. Of course, negotiations must take their course, but to me it simply makes sense. The United Kingdom has equally stepped forward - with around 25 billion euros in committed support. And because we stood together, Ukraine still stands.
 
I was in the gallery today at the Prime Minister’s questions, and each of the party leaders were standing up and reminding of the sad anniversary - and you could hear the overwhelming consensus in the chamber that the people of the United Kingdom stand strong with our Ukrainian friends, brothers and sisters.
 
Of course, that is not to say we’re out of the woods. Nothing forces you to take a hard, sober look at whether your security and defence architecture is up to task than a war waged on your continent. Nothing brings you back to reality faster. 
 
Decades of over-reliance on others’ security umbrella didn’t just generate complacency - it allowed some pretty bad habits to form. Our defence industrial capabilities were underinvested. Industrial coordination was weak. We duplicated in far too many areas and left far too many gaps in others. The United States has around 30 different weapons systems. In Europe, we have 178. That has made us inefficient, expensive, and slow.  

So we’ve taken stock of our shortfalls and we’re fixing them. For the first time in history, EU NATO countries have pledged to raise defence spending to 5% of their GDP. In the past four years alone, EU defence spending has increased by more than 60%. We’ve just kicked off a new surge in defence spending of up to 850 billion euros to boost defence readiness, and within weeks, sixteen Member States have already tapped into it.
 
That is from a funding perspective. But we are also doing more to cut unnecessary bureaucracy that makes production moves faster. We are incentivising joint procurement. And we are ensuring troops and equipment can move quickly and safely across borders. Things that we should have done before but we hadn’t. Because the difference between failure and success - and we’ve learnt this over the years - often comes down to logistics. 
 
It has not always been easy. Decisions like adopting sanctions against the Iranian Regime and listing the IRGC as a terrorist organisation - something I am proud to say the European Parliament led on, required difficult conversations. For some Member States, as it is here, this was incredibly sensitive. Just a few months ago, it would have been unthinkable. But we got it done with all 27 governments saying that they would do this. So we understood - it took us long but we are here now - that inaction isn’t optional. And that monitoring or expressing concern isn’t going to be enough. 
 
And if recent years have taught us anything, it is that our security - and with it, our collective prosperity - do not stop at the Channel. British security needs Europe as much as European security needs Britain. In a world that is more uncertain, more volatile, more fragmented, we need to work together. 
That is why I am here to appeal for a new way of working together. I’m not saying this out of nostalgia for what was. But out of a clear and realistic understanding of the shared threats we face. 
 
Prime Minister Keir Starmer recently said: “Britain is not the one of the Brexit years anymore.” What I would say to that is that the European Union is not the same one the United Kingdom voted to leave a ten years ago. We have put old demons behind us - we understand that the future must be built on stronger links that benefit all our people. 
 
But I also want to be emphatic when I say that in a world that too often feels on fire, a closer, stronger relationship based on pragmatism is in everyone’s interest. This is about finding solutions that will see us moving faster together - doing what works best for the European Union and the United Kingdom today. We need to grasp what Bismarck called “the art of the possible”, and a lot more is possible today that was not yesterday and may not be tomorrow.
 
Last May, we agreed on a new EU-UK Security and Defence Partnership. That was an important step. It showed responsibility - more than anything, it showed leadership. To the European Parliament though, that was only a starting point. There are many aspects in that agreement that we can - and must - continue to build on. The United Kingdom’s participation in SAFE, for example, should be seen as an opportunity, should be possible. The European Union is open to negotiations. But there’s also room for cooperation through other initiatives and in areas like intelligence sharing, cyber security and our Schengen Information System. 
 
So a mutual, heightened and urgent need for collaboration is emerging - dare I say, for the first time in 10 years, real political will is taking shape. An opportunity like this doesn’t come around often - nor does it wait for too long. We cannot let it go to waste. 
 
We already have a lot we can build upon. I already mentioned our joint financial and military support for Ukraine, but I also want to emphasise the leading role the United Kingdom plays in the Coalition of the Willing. And when you look at security and defence cooperation between European countries - in NATO, it has been going on for 76 years. We saw what happened when a firm response needed to be given on Greenland, for example. 
 
The United States on all this has been - and will remain - a crucial ally. It makes sense that Europe carries its share of the responsibility. A stronger Europe will make our transatlantic partnership more equal, and within NATO, a more capable and reliable ally - better equipped to defend ourselves and stand firm against those who endanger global stability. Our greatest challenge is to remain clear-eyed about what and where the real danger is.
 
Now, I know this conference is about security and defence, but security is not only a military concept. Security has vital economic implications. Ensuring the resilience of our supply chains and limiting unwonted dependencies is vital. The European Union and United Kingdom are natural partners in this regard. 
  
Our economies are closely bound together. The European Union is by far the largest economic partner of the United Kingdom, and the United Kingdom is the third largest trading partner for the European Union. We are both working to reduce dependencies and increase the resilience of our economies. This calls for even greater intensification of exchanges and links between our markets. We are not competitors in ensuring our supply chains on rare earths and minerals - we are natural partners and allies. We belong to the same ecosystem of resilience and we seek to promote at the end of the day, the same security and values-based interests. 
 
Much of the work that is currently underway in implementing the agreements reached at the 2025 UK-EU Summit will help us advance in this direction. With a Sanitary and Phytosanitary agreement and the UK joining the EU’s electricity market, we are looking at food and energy security.  We both have a financial capacity that can be further developed to advance growth in key sectors. And we are both aware of the enormous potential of tech and digital and trying to foster their development while guaranteeing fundamental freedoms and rights of our citizens. That’s why whether it’s trade, customs, research, mobility, illegal migration or energy - wherever closer alignment works, we cannot be afraid to pursue it. The recent agreement on Erasmus+ for examples, the collaboration on new air defence weapons which include drones and missiles, the cooperation on nuclear between the UK and France - they all give us something to build on as we head towards the 2026 EU-UK Summit.
 
I want to be very clear when I say that none of this is about handing away sovereignty or losing control. This is about recognising that without cooperation, we risk losing both. Any adversary must know that in a crisis they would face our combined economic and military strength. 
 
Now I have no illusions that we will agree on everything. We have different structures. Different political dynamics. That is completely normal. I see no contradiction between the European Union and the United Kingdom steering their own ships. But we must also know when it is wiser to sail in a convoy. 
 
Thank you.